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經濟學人:印度教民族主義者 穿短褲的人們

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India's Hindu nationalists:

印度的印度教民族主義者:
Men in shorts
穿短褲的人們
The election over, Narendra Modi may drop the Hindu right
選舉結束,納倫德拉莫迪或許將限制印度教權力。
Not physical jerks
這可不是單純的體操。
POLITICAL pundits have spent much of the past week debating exit polls, released just after the final day of voting on May 12th. The polls pointed, more or less, to a single outcome: the Bharatiya Janata Party will wallop the incumbent party, Congress, and, led by Narendra Modi, will form the next government. Investors pushed the stockmarket to a record high. But details matter, such as whether Mr Modi can rely on a narrow coalition or will need a broad one. Here, the pollsters cannot be relied upon. The official results are due on May 16th, after The Economist goes to press.
5月12日是印度大選投票的最后一天,投票結束后不久,政府即公布了一份票站民意調查。在過去的一周中,政治專家們紛紛就這一調查結果展開辯論。調查或多或少地指向了同一個結果:納倫德拉.莫迪領導的印度人民黨將在選舉中擊潰現任執政黨—國大黨,組建下屆政府。投資者們借機推動股市達到了創紀錄的新高。但是一些細節將對最后的結果產生重大影響,例如莫迪先生是否可以依賴這一狹隘的聯盟或是去尋求一個更廣泛的合作。民意調查并不可靠,官方的結果將會在5月16日即本刊付梓后公布。

A second debate concerned the clout of the Hindu right. Since he was a boy, Mr Modi has been an activist member in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, formed in 1925 as a pro-Hindu social movement. It began with charitable aims but always carried quasi-military overtones as men in brown shorts performed dawn callisthenics. These days the RSS is rebranding itself as a more youthful, right-leaning, nationalist organisation, with rugby and volleyball on offer as alternatives to physical jerks.

第二個辯論則有關于印度教權力的影響。從童年起,莫迪先生就一直是印度國民志愿服務團的活躍成員。印度國民志愿服務團成立于1925年,支持印度教社會化運動。它是為了慈善的目的而成立,但是成員們每天早晨穿著棕色短褲演練體操卻使它染上了一絲準軍事化的色彩。這些天來,國民志愿服務團致力于重新標榜自己為一個更加年輕的,右傾的民族主義組織,并且提供橄欖球和排球作為一個替代體操活動的選擇。
Throughout the election campaign, the RSS supplied volunteers for the BJP. The organisation's sway within the party remains strong. Mr Modi became party leader in 2013 when the RSS chose to back him. Observers see an effort to expand the RSS's “majoritarian” appeal, with less talk of Hindu identity and more about national strength. Smooth-tongued spokesmen downplay a once-core assertion of the RSS: that to be Indian was to be Hindu.
在整個的競選活動中,RSS一直為印度人民黨提供志愿者。該組織在人民黨內保持著巨大的影響力。2013年,在RSS的支持下,莫迪先生成為了印度人民黨的領袖。觀察家們將其視作印度國民志愿服務團擴大其“多數人統治”訴求的努力,只是現在他們更少地談及印度教的身份,轉而更多地從國家力量的出發。圓滑的發言人如今則對服務團曾經核心的主張—“印度人就得是印度教徒”輕描淡寫。
Yet Mr Modi's rise brings questions about the role of the RSS and the wider Sangh Parivar, or family of Hindu nationalist outfits. Some have high expectations. About 2,000 volunteers turned out to help Mr Modi in Varanasi alone. On May 12th members of the RSS's student wing cheered Mr Modi as “one of us ”, claiming he would bring relief on issues dear to them. These include calls for a temple to be built at the site of a demolished mosque in Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh; for Muslim-majority Kashmir to lose its special status under the Indian constitution; and for the abolition of a separate marriage code for Muslims. Not for these people discussions about economic policies.
然而,莫迪先生的就職帶來了有關RSS與更廣泛的“聯合家庭”—印度教民族主義者組織聯合間的角色問題。有些人抱著很高的期待。僅在瓦拉納西市就有約2000名志愿者幫助莫迪先生的競選。5月12日,加入國民志愿服務團的學生們便歡呼莫迪先生是“我們的一員”,宣稱他將會對有利于他們的事情(對那些穆斯林和無宗教主義者則充滿憂慮)帶來解決辦法。這些就包括呼吁在北方邦阿約提亞市的一處廢舊的清真寺舊址上修建一座寺廟;呼吁取消穆斯林人口占多數的克什米爾地區在印度憲法下的特殊地位;呼吁廢除專為穆斯林制定的單獨的婚姻法。以及不要為這些人討論經濟政策。
A senior RSS organiser in Varanasi talks of Mr Modi restoring pride in “what the nation lost in the last 1,000 years, in the sons of the nation, the Hindus who originally belonged to this country”. Only once before, at the defeat of Indira Gandhi in 1977, has the RSS thrown itself so heavily into party politics. Just as it is helping Mr Modi's cause, so he is helping the RSS, according to one of its spokesmen in Delhi. With more effective recruiting, especially online, 10,000 new members are said to be signing up each month, including at universities and among employees at the country's booming IT firms.
RSS的一位高級官員在瓦拉納西市談及莫迪先生重建了印度人的驕傲,這份驕傲是“在過去的1000年中這個國家所丟失了的事物中,在這個國家的子孫間,在那些從最開始就屬于這片土地的印度教徒身上”。之前只有在1977年英迪拉.甘地失敗的那一次競選中,RSS才如此激烈地參與到過黨派政治中。據德里的一位發言人稱,RSS在幫助莫迪先生的事業,他也在幫助RSS。得益于更有效率的招募行動,尤其是在網絡上的,據說每個月都有10,000名新成員加入,而其中就包含著在校大學生和這個國家冉冉升起的IT行業的雇員們。
If Mr Modi becomes prime minister, members of the broad Sangh Parivar family say they expect a more forceful approach to Pakistan and China. School textbooks could be reworked to show history “in the right way”, as one puts it, for example by telling how Maratha kings triumphed over Muslim armies.
如果莫迪先生當選為總理,廣大的“聯合家庭”成員們期待著對巴基斯坦和中國采取更為強硬的措施。學校的教科書也會被重新編寫,例如通過描述馬拉地國王如何打敗穆斯林軍隊這種所謂的“正確的方式”展現歷史,。
Yet Mr Modi's readiness for collaboration may prove passing. It is true that on May 10th he spent two hours with the RSS's leader, Mohan Bhagwat, reportedly to assess the national campaign and potential ruling coalitions. But with voting over, the BJP will not need its armies of street volunteers. And Hindu nationalists may recall how in Mr Modi's early years of running the state of Gujarat, he mostly kept the RSS at arm's length, worried that a rival power might arise. Widening his appeal to all Indians may mean turning his back on the more divisive outfits to which he has been close.
然而莫迪先生的合作意愿可能只是短暫的。5月10日,他與RSS的領導人莫漢.巴格瓦特會談了兩個小時,據報道是在評估全國運動以及潛在的執政聯盟。但是當投票結束后,印度人民黨將不再需要街頭的志愿者軍隊。那時印度教民族主義者或許會記起莫迪先生早年在古吉拉特邦執政時是如何做的——大多數時候他都會與RSS保持距離 ,以避免反對力量的出現。迎合更廣大的印度人民意味著莫迪先生會背離這一引起糾紛的組織,盡管他一直同印度國民服務團關系親密。
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